Sakas05.html

This paper, an abridged version of my Honors Summer Research paper, consists of two parts. The first part gives the reader a basic understanding of ecofeminism from an American perspective; the second part focuses on ecofeminism as a social movement from the 1970s to the present in Germany and the United States.

Ecofeminism: An Introduction and Analysis

Ecofeminists believe that the oppression of women and degradation of nature are linked, and must be examined together in order to find an effective solution to both.(1) Ecofeminist women and men are working together to ensure the preservation and continuation of life on earth.(2)

Ecofeminism is rooted in the disillusionment of some Western female activists in the early 1970s who faulted both the lack of a feminist analysis in the environmental movement and a corresponding lack of interest among traditional feminists in environmental concerns.(3) The French feminist Françoise D’Eaubonne originally coined the term eco-féminisme (4) in her 1974 book Le féminisme ou la mort.(5)
She "called upon women to lead an ecological revolution to save the planet” that would result in a radical change in both gender and environmental relations.(6) Ecofeminism also grows out of social ecology, or the belief that in order to solve ecological problems, social issues must be dealt with at the same time as environmental concerns.

True to its initial impetus in the 1970s, ecofeminism today is a hybrid movement around the world that brings together environmentalism and feminism as both political theory and social movement. Social movements are “collective challenges, based on common purposes and social solidarities, in sustained interaction with elites, opponents, and authorities.”(7) They occur when “ordinary people, often in league with more influential citizens", join forces to confront “elites, authorities, and opponents.”(8) Triggered by changing “political opportunities and constraints,”(9) social actors join together in contentious collective action in order to gain resources they lack on their own.(10)

Ecofeminists have built their philosophy on several basic tenets of environmentalism and feminism. Some ecofeminist writers have begun to investigate linkages not only of the oppression of women and nature (including non-human animals), but also of racism and social inequalities.(11)

Ecofeminist issues go beyond standard feminist concerns, such as equal rights for women and equal wages for equal work, to explore problems not typically associated with feminism, such as food production and carrying water and searching for firewood.(12) Ecofeminists decry women’s bearing the brunt of the world’s environmental, social, political, and religious ills .(13)

In addition to facing grave, concrete issues in the division of work, women must confront serious conceptual framework issues as well. Conceptual frameworks are systems of beliefs, values, goals and perceptions that affect people’s worldview and social environment and are perhaps harder to change than concrete problems. Global society on the whole has a patriarchal conceptual framework, i.e. males are valued more than females. The Logic of Domination, which explains and justifies hierarchical oppression, is the "bottomline in ecofeminist discussions of oppression" and gives insight into the origins and basis for patriarchy.(14)

Since the Enlightenment, the notion that “Man’s freedom and happiness depend on an ongoing process of emancipation from nature, on independence from, and dominance over natural processes by the power of reason and rationality” is something that most feminists supported before the start of the ecology movement.(15) However, as explained by Angelika Birk and Irene Stoehr at the 1987 “Women and Ecology” Congress in Cologne, Germany, feminists started questioning such logic, as “this concept of emancipation necessarily implied dominance over nature,” which includes female nature.(16) Many feminists support women working to “catch-up” with men, the main goal in the feminist movement, but critics point out that such a “policy of equalization, implies a demand for a greater, or equal share of what, in the existing paradigm, men take from nature.(17) Ecofeminists against the Logic of Domination believe neither women nor nature can positively benefit from a framework that oppresses both subjects, and that instead of attempting to “patch up” something fundamentally wrong, humans must instead strive for a radically different concept of freedom where dominance has no place.

While there are many varieties of ecofeminism, the three main forms include liberal ecofeminism, cultural ecofeminism, and socialist ecofeminism. Liberal ecofeminism favors reform by individuals working within the current governmental system to alleviate feminist and environmental issues. Proponents of liberal feminism believe once women have educational and career opportunities equal to those men have historically enjoyed, they will improve the world by putting their new knowledge and feminist perspective to work, e.g. as scientists solving ecological crises and politicians introducing new legislation that is both environmentally- and female-friendly. Some opponents consider its dependence on the inevitability of reform too optimistic to be effective in the long run. Other opponents object to reforming a sexist and naturist system, calling such reform counterproductive and not true to feminist ideals.(18)

Cultural ecofeminism, in Carolyn Merchant’s words, is the belief that, “cross-culturally and historically women, as opposed to men, have been seen as closer to nature because of their physiology, social roles, and psychology."(19) Women should embrace and celebrate the women-nature connection and use direct political action to create a female-oriented worldview. A new system that values “intuition, an ethics of caring, and web-like human-nature relationships”(20) is crucial. Cultural ecofeminism has also been criticized for being essentialist,(21) or believing that “abstract entities or universals exist as well as the instances and examples” people experience in space and time.(22)

Socialist ecofeminism, although still a theory rather than a social movement, provides another perspective. It is the “feminist transformation of socialist ecology” and critiques capitalistic patriarchy in two ways.(23) First, socialist ecofeminists examine capitalistic patriarchy as production versus reproduction. Women and men were originally considered equals and shared an even distribution of work and power until the growth of capitalism led to production becoming the domain of men and reproduction becoming the domain of women. Because capitalism values production, or the making of money, over reproduction, women have been devalued. Second, under capitalistic patriarchy, according to socialist ecofeminists, nature has also been subjugated, used, exploited, and, when it gets in the way of production, destroyed. Proponents include Ariel Salleh(24) and Val Plumwood.(25) Critics of social ecofeminism object to the theory’s grounding, dismissing Marx and Engels as “dogmatic macho men."(26)

Just as there are different forms of ecofeminist theories, ecofeminist issues vary in First, Second, and Third World nations. In First World nations, Northern ecofeminists investigate and fight industrial pollutants, plastics, and packaging wastes through altering consumption habits, recycling wastes, and protesting production and disposal methods.(27)

Ecofeminists in the Second World, the current and former Communist nations, have and continue to deal with environmental problems from the Cold War era such as nuclear, industrial and toxic waste issues, as well as the democratic transition. Third World ecofeminists must struggle with everyday problems before even thinking about trying to tackle the inherently patriarchal systems that most live in. Southern ecofeminists work on ensuring "direct access to food, fuel, and clean water" and "act to protect traditional ways of life and reverse ecological damage from multination corporations and the extractive industries."(28) Despite all the hardships these women face, Southern ecofeminists have taken action. Founded and led by women, the Chipko, or “tree hugging,” movement in Northern India is organized to preserve the old forests and traditional ways of life;(29) the Green Belt Movement in Kenya plants new trees to prevent desertification.(30)

PART TWO

Ecofeminism as Social Movement in the United States versus Germany

While both the United States and Germany share important similarities as Northern political and economic leaders, their distinctive social and political climates since the end of World War II have shaped ecofeminism somewhat differently in their respective states. This section explores ecofeminism as a social movement in both countries by examining framing, tactics, and political opportunities and restraints.

Framing

In the years from the end of World War II to the beginning of the 1960s, the United States was becoming increasingly proud of its political, economic, and military prowess, while Germany tended to still feel the shame of its Nazi past. These contrasting attitudes affected the growth of ecofeminism in both countries.

In the 1960s, U.S. cities such as San Francisco were home to a generally peaceful hippie counterculture, while in Germany, angry, Marxist-influenced students raged and revolted.(31) Capra and Spretnak describe the political scene during these years. The younger generation of Germans was rebelling against their elders who had created the Wirtschaftswunder, or economic-miracle, after World War II. These youth grew up “hypercritical, resisting every attempt to ideologize or moralize or mystify their social context and development.”(32) By the time the post-war children reached college age in the mid-1960s, “they were brimming with revolutionary fervor looking for a form.”(33) The German university system, “perhaps the only institution that had resisted the postwar democratization,”(34) was an ideal setting. Moreover, they took their cues from the student movement in the United States as well as the international protests against the Vietnam War.(35)

By the 1970s, Marxist ideology influenced student protests in both countries. In Germany, the student movement had a solely and distinctly Marxist grounding.(36) In fact, Capra and Spretnak posit, “Marxism was practically the only game in town,” whereas American protests had “four separate but overlapping anti-Establishment movements – the New Left, the antiwar movement, the feminist movement, and the counterculture.”(37)

The women's movement in both countries varied as well. In the United States, “the liberal phase of the women’s movement that exploded in the 1960s demanded equity for women in the workplace and in education as the means of bringing about a fulfilling life” for women.(38) In Germany, the feminist movement, or Frauenbewebung, grew out of the 1968 Marxist-influenced, student protests, yet was overshadowed by them.(39) The Nazi past also played a unique role in German feminism. Due to Hitler’s manipulation of women during the Nazi era through “lauding the ‘sacred’ role of German mothers,” many Marxist feminists find themselves “uncomfortable” with political programs that “focus attention on the rights of mothers.”(40)

By 1970, in Germany the protest movement petered out because it had little popular support.(41) While some people joined “the march through institutions,” trying to reform social and political institutions from within, and others formed underground terrorist groups, such as the Baader-Meinhof Gang, most people left the Marxist/student movement either to become apolitical or to seek change through more direct action.(42)

Direct action in the early 1970s took the form of citizens' initiative associations in West Germany. They were "in essence nontraditional interest groups. . . loosely and often temporarily organized groups of citizens mobilized in response to one particular local issue." Their goal was "to improve the quality of life, rather than the material well-being, of their supporters."(43)

From these social movements, or citizens' initiatives, three political movements emerged in Germany: the environmental lobby, the women's movement, and the peace lobby. Throughout the 1970 and 1980s German citizens became increasingly concerned about their country's environment, which led to the formation of several national organizations, including the Federal Association of Citizens' Initiatives on Environmental Protection, or the Bundesverband Bürgerinitiativen Umweltschultz – BBU. By about 1974, citizens’ movements that were pro-environment and anti-nuclear proliferation “largely ignored” the “radical-left avant-garde.”(44) Learning the importance of questioning authority from the student protests, a “broad range of ‘good Germans’ who were socialized to be obedient and loyal to the dream of the economic miracle”(45) started questioning “the government’s plans."(46) Capra and Spretnak note that no longer could governmental authorities go unmonitored in the 1970s as “public awareness of government machinations grew dramatically.”(47) At its height, nearly one million West Germans were involved in the environmental movement and the BBU provided coordination for over 1,000 local initiative associations; by the late 1980s, however, only "several hundred local groups whose cumulative membership reached only 150,000" remained.(48)

Autonomous citizens' initiative associations enjoyed far less success in East Germany until right before the 1989 collapse of the East German regime, when peaceful protests and other citizen action played a large role in the collapse of the East German regime. Until then, East Germany co-opted citizen groups, forming official government organizations such as the Society for Nature and the Environment.(49)

Everyday citizens in Germany were becoming ecologically-aware through texts such as Ein Planet wird geplündert: die Schreckensbilanz unserer Politik [A Planet is Plundered: the Shocking Balance Sheet of our Politics](50) by conservative politician and future Green party co-founder Herbert Gruhl in 1975,(51) just as texts such as Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, published in 1962, brought ecological concerns to the forefront in many otherwise unpoliticized Americans’ minds. The German citizens’ movement was “extremely heterogeneous,” stressing tolerance and compromise, and mainly “apolitical or politically moderate” despite sometimes incorporating Marxist groups.(52)

The German alternative movement was very much inspired by the American counterculture movement as well as German students’ and citizens’ movements. It was also influenced by a desire to part with both the Nazi past and Marxist student protests through what was known as the “'inner migration’ phenomenon” focused on “the practical needs of an alternative culture.”(53) Although initially attacked by the radical left as being “‘individualistic utopianism,’”(54) the alternative movement emphasized “the connection between inner power, or spiritual strength, and political power” and “fostered multiple developments with similar intentions, rejecting forced adherence to any one dogmatic line of thought."(55)

Tactics

Ecofeminist writers such as Rachel Carson and Françoise d'Eaubonne raised the consciousness of their readers, but most action in the early years was grassroots and fragmented, simply a reaction to backyard environmental concerns. Many housewives and mothers on both sides of the Atlantic found themselves sudden and surprised environmental activists when their families’ lives and well-being were threatened. Their tactics were often similar, worked out on the ground as events evolved. They included lobbying, petitioning, organizing demonstrations, and protesting.(56)

In Southwest Germany in 1975 “peasant women in the Whyl Movement were the most active in one of the first anti-nuclear power movements in that country." These women and men eventually "established links with other movements in Germany, intellectuals, students, urban feminists and with similar movements in Switzerland and France."(57) Women in Whyl and across Germany "who were a driving force in movements against the construction of nuclear power plants in Germany, were not all committed feminists,"(58) but "for many women this was the first step towards their own liberation.”(59)

In the United States, many ecofeminist activists were focused on a different cause.

After her son experienced health problems, in 1978, homemaker-turned-environmental crusader Lois Gibbs began to lead her Love Canal community of mainly "lower-middle-class women who had never been environmental activists" but "became politicized by the life-and-death issues directly affecting their children and homes and succeeded in obtaining redress from the State of New York."(61) While American grassroots ecofeminist activists may have fought for causes different from those in Germany, they found themselves similarly empowered.

Ecofeminist causes crossed racial and socioeconomic lines in the United States and even international borders. Native American women formed WARN, Women of All Red Nations, in response to dangerous radiation exposure from uranium mining tailings on their reservations, and the resultant high rates of miscarriages and birth defects.(62) Mies and Shiva report “in the 1980s toxic dumps began to be sited in areas inhabitated by poor and coloured people; today [in the early 1990s], the strongest resistance against this practice is to be found in these areas.”(63) In 1992 former Schlage Lock Company factory employee Joan Sharp, representing Black Workers for Justice, traveled from her home in North Carolina to the factory's new location as a maquiladora in Tecate, Mexico. Sharp opened the Mexican workers’ eyes to “Schlage’s use of toxic chemicals, its contamination of the groundwater, and its failure to provide promised severance for production workers” and shared her conviction that toxic conditions in Schlage's factory caused 30 of her coworkers to die of cancer.(64)

At this time in Germany ecofeminist activists became aware that “the new developments in biotechnology, genetic engineering and reproductive technology have made women acutely conscious of the gender bias of science and technology and that science’s whole paradigm is characteristically patriarchal, anti-nature and colonial and aims to dispossess women of their generative capacity as it does the productive capacities of nature.”(65) Just as their mothers had stood up against the construction of nuclear power plants, these women "from trade unions, churches and universities, rural and urban women, workers and housewives mobilized against" such sexist technologies, whose "ethical, economic, and health implications continue to be hotly debated issues." In fact, "this movement was instrumental in preventing a ‘surrogate motherhood’ agency in Frankfurt.”(66)

Success came only after overcoming many challenges. For example, activists had to counter sexist media attitudes and perfect protest techniques. German Green Party leader Petra Kelly complained “women’s suffering is taken for granted, in the eyes of the media and the general public the work of nonviolent women is less noteworthy and carries less virtue than that of men."(67)

Ecofeminists in Germany and America learned from one another. For example, Petra Kelly learned more effective techniques for non-violent protest from American ecofeminists.

She called on German citizens to act innovatively, as "Easter marches, rallies, and peace weeks are not enough."(69) Kelly also shared her lessons learned: “In the Summer of 1990 at a meeting in San Francisco, I urged the National Organization of Women to start a pacifist, and ecological movement.”(70)

Ecofeminist conferences have been held in both nations. The first ecofeminist conference, "Women and Life on Earth: A Conference on Eco-Feminism in the Eighties," was held in March 1980, at Amherst, as “the meltdown at Three Mile Island prompted large numbers of women in the USA to come together" to discuss the "connections between feminism, militarism, healing and ecology." (71) The "Women and Ecology" conference was held in 1987, in Cologne.

When it comes to working within the system, ecofeminists in Germany have an edge on those in the United States, although American ecofeminists have utilized the court system to their advantage. As far back as 1962, there have been "an astonishing series of law suits against the corporate world" coming from the "kitchens of mothers and grandmothers."(72) Mother-turned-activist Erin Brockovich, legal crusader of Anderson v. Pacific Gas & Electric, was even featured in the 2002 blockbuster hit, Erin Brockovich.(73)

Through Green party connections, German ecofeminists have been able to effect legislation through direct parliamentary participation. The Greens work very hard to portray a female-friendly image. In the early 1980s, Green Freiburg city council member Emilie Meyer was able to attract “voters among both the conservative farmers and the radical Green university students and faculty in Freiburg” with her "earthy farmer’s daughter– and grandmother” image. (74)

Still, it remains to be seen whether the compromises that Green party ecofeminists have made in German politics will benefit ecofeminism in the long-term. While German women find much success at the grassroots level, "in the rest of the party’s structures the women reported variations on an adage familiar to American women in public and professional positions. As Emilie Meyer of Freiburg explains, a woman "must be twice as good as a man to be thought half as good."(75)

Bavarian Green activist Gisela Erler sums up the dissatisfaction felt by many Green women in 1983 when she says "‘The way it is now women have to do double work: work on the top-priority Green issues and then go back into their Green women’s groups and figure out ‘Now what does this means for women’s politics.’”(76) Additionally, despite a sense of "'big-picture'" feminism slowly gaining ground among the Greens, the concept "is not widely understood outside the Green party and the feminist movement” (77) in Germany.(78)

Ecofeminists in Germany and the United States have faced similar stereotyping by their opponents. As Green leader Petra Kelly states,

The German political system has provided German women more opportunities to resolve ecofeminist issues through the established political system, especially through the Green Party,(80) than American ecofeminists. Ecological concerns are obviously the main pillar of the party’s founding principles,(81) but feminist issues have historically also been important as far back as the 1970s when Marxist women encouraged participation in citizens’ initiatives by convincing their male comrades “that people’s everyday concerns are as valid as abstract rationalism.”(82) Kelly explains the feminist-nature connection that she believes is inherent to the Green party, “‘To me feminism is ecology and ecology is feminism. It’s a holistic way of looking at things.’”(83)

While American ecofeminists have not had the same opportunity as Germans to work on Green legislation, many seem uninterested in making such compromises anyway. As spiritual American ecofeminist writer Anne Cameron has complained about Green party politics,

Indeed, “Ecofeminists in the USA seemingly put greater emphasis on the ‘spiritual’ than do those in Europe.”(85) Germans find “a spiritual dimension to a political movement is extremely suspect” as “older Germans are reminded of the Nazi teaching that German soil is sacred, as is her ‘superrace’ of citizens” when the Greens, for example, “speak with reverence of a subtle connection to the Earth and nature.”(86)

By contrast, most Americans do not suffer from the shame of their country’s past as many Germans still do. Instead, in the USA, Mies and Shiva write, “the ‘spiritual’ feminists argue that theirs is the politics of everyday life, the transformation of fundamental relationships, even if that takes place only in small communities."(87)

In Germany, “many feminists joined the Green Party, less out of ecological, than feminist concerns. The Greens, however, were keen to integrate these concerns too into their programmes and politics.”(88) Still, as Petra Kelly instructs, Green party women "must also assert women’s oppression as a central concern, for our experience is that men do not take women’s oppression as seriously as other causes.(89) Additionally, socialist ecofeminist critic Ariel Salleh points out that a key Green-oriented text, Werner Hülsberg's The German Greens,(90) considers Green feminists' contributions hardly worth a mention: "Women dissolve away again in Werner Hülsberg's book, The German Greens. . .For the truth is that most women can enter politics on a patriarchal agenda."(91) Capra and Spretnak note that while the Green party's "official programs are unequivocally nonsexist" and "the leading roles of Green women in election campaigns and in legislative bodies at all levels signal a radical departure from customary electoral politics in West Germany,"(92) even many Green men “are not beyond sexist attitudes and behavior at times."(93)

Although the Greens seek to make committee membership on all levels gender equal, several hurdles have prevented the realization of this goal.(94) Green men and women agree this inequality is not because women's family responsibilities leave them too little time for politics; rather, “many women in the citizen’s movement, where female activists usually play a strong role, refuse to join the Green party at all," because "men often vote for women merely as quota fillers than considering and valuing particular qualifications.”(95) Additionally, many Green and feminist-minded women have not wanted to “work in the way of men,” as they disliked the competitive and aggressive nature of governmental forums,(96) a position many of their American spiritual ecofeminist sisters have espoused all along. Nonetheless, Capra and Spretnak state, “even with the problems, the Greens propose much more feminist legislation and have a much higher proportion of women in leading positions than any other party in West Germany."(97)

Whereas conservative and Marxist-influenced men in parliament are some of the most vocal critics of Green feminist women’s action in Germany,(98) deep ecologists are the strongest foes of American ecofeminism. As Ariel Salleh says of the ecofeminist/deep ecology debates occurring in Environmental Ethics since 1986, the majority of the deep ecologist replies to ecofeminism “have been mere reassertions of the standpoint or attempts to ‘shoot the (feminist) messenger,’ rather than efforts to assimilate the criticism and nurture a shared feminist ecological perspective.”(99)

1) Carolyn Merchant, Radical Ecology: The Search for a Livable World (Revolutionary Thoughts/Radical Movements) (New York: Routledge, 1992) 184.

3) Cathleen McGuire, “What is Ecofeminism Anyway?” Eve Online: Ecofeminist Visions Emerge Online. 15 July 2003 <http://eve.enviroweb.org/what_is/index.html>.

5) Françoise d’Eaubonne, Le fêminisme ou la mort. (Paris: Pierre Horay, 1974).

7) Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) 4.

11) "What is ecofeminism?" www.ecofem.org. 22 Jun. 2003 <http://www.ecofem.org>.

18) Anne Cameron, “First Mother and the Rainbow Children.” Healing the Wounds: The Promise of Ecofeminism, ed. Judith Plant (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 1989) 63.

19) David Pepper, Modern Environmentalism: An Introduction (New York: Routledge, 1996).

24) Ariel Salleh, Ecofeminism as Politics: Nature, Marx and the Postmodern (New York: Zed Books, 1997).

25) Val Plumwood, "Nature, Self, and Gender: Feminism, Environmental Philosophy, and the Critique of Rationalism." Ecological Feminist Philosophies, ed. Karen J. Warren (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996) 155-180.

30) “The Green Belt Movement: Reforestation in Kenya.” WomenAid International. 16 July 2003 <http://www.womenaid.org/press/info/development/greenbeltproject.html>.

31) Fritjof Capra and Charlene Spretnak, Green Politics: The Global Promise (New York: Dutton, 1984) 10-11.

35) Library of Congress, "The Student Movement and Terrorism" Germany– A Country Study 20 July 2003 <http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/detoc.html>.

39) “Much of it had a Marxist orientation,” something which leads many German feminists to believe “the best feminist analysis had come from the United States because it was not limited to parameters of class struggle.” Capra and Spretnak 20.

41) Library of Congress, "The Student Movement and Terrorism" Germany: A Country Study 20 July 2003 <http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/detoc.html>.

43) Library of Congress, "Citizens' Initiative Associations." Germany– A Country Study 20 July 2003 <http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/detoc.html>.

48) Library of Congress, "Citizen's Initiative Associations" Germany– A Country Study. 20 July 2003 <http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/detoc.html>. The decline may be attributed to the formation of the Green party as a local and national organization in the 1980s.

50) Herbert Gruhl, Ein Planet wird geplündert (Frankfurt: Fischer Alternativ, 1978).

69) Petra Kelly, Fighting for Hope, trans. Marianna Howarth. (Boston: South End Press, 1984) 55-56. Kelly died in 1992.

73) Erin Brockovich, film, dir. Steven Soderberg, with Julia Roberts, Universal, 2002.

78) According to a 1995 study, Women's salaries and wages range between 65 percent and 78 percent of what a man earns for many positions; women generally do not hold key positions, as the higher the position, the more likely a male fills it. For example, while females make up 75 percent of hospital staff, females make up only four percent of physicians. Women held only 5 percent of West German university professorships in the 1980s. Library of Congress, "Women in Society." Germany– A Country Study. 20 July 2003 <http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/detoc.html>.

84) This attitude might partially explain why the American Green party is overall less successful than the German Green party. Cameron 63.

90) Werner Hülsberg, The German Greens, trans. Gus Fagan (New York: Verso, 1988).

98) “In West Germany, as [in the USA], the most vigorous opposition to the feminist slogan ‘The Personal is Political’ came from New Left men.” Capra and Spretnak 22.

99) Ariel Salleh, “The Ecofeminist/Deep Ecology Debate.” Environmental Ethics 14:3 (Fall 1993) 198.

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